Find out there are never.
Nixon even feared entering the hospital, we were told. Shed a tear for old presidents, if you must. But first give Barry Sussman a chance to turn on your skepticism.
But, he subtly tells us, we all share the blame for letting Nixon hoodwink us. Congress had plenty of opportunities to get tough and get the truth before even the Ervin hearings but chose not to, Sussman shows.
The House of Representatives almost impeached Nixon because it had to, not because it wanted to. A few people like John Sirica and a few tapes left the noble solons no choice, Sussman says.
Sussman, not a bad writer for an editor, also gives us cogent glimpses of the quintessential Nixon. A re-reading of the Mitchell statement also shows how blatant were some of the early Watergate lies. Referring to James W. More than two years of Watergate have been enough for most of us. But Sussman deserves a reading from at least his colleagues in the press.
After all, he knew a good story when he saw one. Probably for just that reason. For, on the whole, his is a readable, reasonably dispassionate overview of Watergate and the men who were its perpetrators and its victims.
While he could hardly be described as a fan of Richard Nixon, Sussman seems to work hard at trying to present him in a fair and realistic light. Also, he does not hesitate to place responsibility on others when he feels it is due, and Congress comes in for its fair share of raps.
To some extent, the reader wishes he could have resisted immediacy and done the whole thing from a more distant vantage—more as a historian than as a newsperson—but, on the whole, he brings a reasoned and reasonable perspective to a news event whose tremors are still being felt.
The person who reads this book just has to be grateful for the enlightenment Sussman sheds on Watergate and how it figured in the life and administration of Richard Nixon and the United States.
Someway, you feel you can trust him. This is important when reading a book like this. It also is important—very important—that the people of this country understand Watergate. October, By Brit Hume If Richard Nixon were not out of office in disgrace and failing health, this would be among the most important books published about the Watergate scandal.
He supervised much of the reporting on the Watergate case, which won The Post a Pulitzer Prize and made two of its young reporters, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, the most celebrated journalists of the day.
Sussman reaches his thesis early in the book, after detailing meticulously the meetings Nixon held in the Oval Office on his first day back in Washington following the break-in.
There were, Sussman notes, 10 meetings or telephone calls lasting more than five and a half hours with H. Haldeman, John Ehrlichman, Charles Colson and John Mitchell, all of whom, by then, knew a great deal about the fiasco at Democratic headquarters and all of whom, except Colson, have acknowledged that they discussed Watergate with Nixon that day.
In all of them, he finds three common elements which strongly suggest the involvement of Nixon in the coverup: Nixon had the opportunity to plan and order the obstruction of justice as indicated in this first instance by his many meetings with men who have since been indicted in the Watergate conspiracy.
Such plans were indeed put into effect. Despite persistent appeals that he do so, Nixon never produced evidence to clear himself and, in fact, resisted releasing evidence or allowed evidence to be destroyed.
That sum, of course, turned out to have originated as donations to the Nixon campaign and provided the first clear link between the break-in and the Nixon re-election drive. Sussman makes a persuasive argument that, in tracing the source of this money, the press made its most significant and possibly indispensable contribution to the unraveling of the cover-up.
He also makes it clear that the reporters who did the job could not have done it without the help of Martin Dardis, an investigator for Richard Gerstein, Dade County, Fla.
Gerstein is known to investigative reporters across the nation as one of the most readily cooperative of all law enforcement officials. He includes among those investigations the Ervin Committee hearings which laid the groundwork for the more momentous later proceedings in the House of Representatives.
Patrick Gray at the height of the White House efforts to keep the F. Nixon maintained that he called Gray to congratulate him on the handling of a hijacking, a claim that is supported by none of the evidence, least of all the substance of their conversation.
When Gray said he had, Nixon did not even ask which of his aides Gray suspected, a question the President would be expected to ask if he were learning for the first time that people close to him might be involved in wrongdoing.
Haldeman and John Ehrlichman to summon C. The President also denied awareness that offers of hush money had been made to the Watergate suspects.Shopping can be a daunting experience, but our in-depth guides will help you make well-informed purchasing decisions—no matter what you're buying.
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